Corky Hayani

19 June 2021, 11:00

Another week, another TikTok phrase...

Since its conception in 2016, TikTok has not only become a go-to destination for creative short-form video content, it's also become a sort of cultural zeitgeist.

Beyond offering a platform for users to share their life hacks, parenting techniques, funny impressions and more, the social site spews out new phrases and trends like there's no tomorrow.

From "cheugy" and "the CEO of", to the recent "Adult Swim" challenge - there's a plethora of language constantly being added to our everyday vocabulary.

The latest addition? ONG.

Here's exactly what it means and how it's being used on TikTok.

Nope, people aren't accidentally misspelling "OMG" (Oh my God). "ONG" actually stands for "On God".

Essentially, it just means you strongly agree with a statement or sentiment - sort of like "I swear to God". For example, "Sour Patch Kids are the best sweets ONG."

It's usually added at the end of a sentence.

A viral clip of 22-year-old social media star Tana Mongeau talking about YouTuber Bryce Hall recently became a meme.

In the video, Tana was discussing the upcoming Youtube vs TikTok boxing match when she was asked whose side she was on.

She replied saying she thought Bryce would win, commenting: “We team Bryce out here. Even the paparazzi's team Bryce, on God.”

You can watch the clip below:

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The Democratic Revolution Party is a Mexican political party founded in 1989. He led coalitions that were the second electoral force in the presidential elections. The perredistas are the militant group of this party. The motto is "Democracy now, Homeland for all!"

The current party platform advocates for a new social economic system away from neoliberalism, promoting social democracy and federalism, gender equality, promoting respect for the rights of sexual diversity and gender identity, strengthening the autonomy of Pemex, develop sustainable energy, promote a semi-parliamentary regime, promote a new fiscal pact and establish the second round of elections.

It received 2.8% of the votes in the presidential election, but it is not a major political force.

The PRD was born as a coalition of various left-wing political parties, although its founders belonged to the Democratic Current of the PRI, upon merging with the movements and organizations of the historic Mexican left, the PRD was created, before being baptized as PRD, its origin is the Mexican Socialist Party (PMS) that was born from the merger of 6 left-wing political forces at the National level: Mexican Workers Party (PMT), Unified Socialist Party of Mexico (PSUM), Revolutionary Patriotic Party (PPR), Movimiento Revolutionary of the People (MRP), Union of the Communist Left (UIC); Later on, a part of the militancy of the Socialist Workers Party (PST) joined the merger. Engineer Heberto Castillo Martnez was the main leader.

The Party of the Democratic Revolution was born after the Mexican Socialist Party gave up its registration in alliance with former members of the PRI, as well as civil organizations that opposed the ruling party and fought for democratic elections.

The PRD defends the state's participation in sectors that it considers strategic, mainly energy resources and communications. Likewise, it gives the state a preponderant role in what refers to social policy: it pronounces itself in favor of a secular and free education at all levels and that meets the national demand, for economic aid to the most disadvantaged sectors (elderly, students and the disabled poor), and for the granting of subsidies for basic necessities. He spoke out for the development of the agricultural sector to satisfy the demands of peasants.

The PRD was founded in Mexico City on May 5, 1989 by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, Ifigenia Martínez, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, among others and historical members of the Left such as Heberto Castillo, Gilberto Rincón Gallardo, Amalia Garcia among many other politicians from the Mexican left.

Two currents of the historical Mexican left converge in the PRD. On the other hand, a current that comes from the traditional "revolutionary family" is represented by the left wing of the PRI. The Mexican communist and socialist left, whose origins are in the Mexican Communist Party, the Mexican Workers Party and guerrilla organizations, amnestied in 1977 as a result of the PRD.

The PRI claimed to be the authentic and unique representative of the heritage of the Mexican Revolution when it formed the government.

The six-year term of President Luis Echeverra lvarez was the time when the PRI's ideology was at its best. The first of a series of economic crises that would ruin the people of Mexico broke out at the end of the six-year term.

The second crisis that ruined the nation forced for the first time in Mexico's history a moratorium on payments by the nation. In the six-year term that followed, President de la Madrid instituted a series of policies and economic reforms that changed the course and face of the government.

Several members of the PRI felt that there was a contradiction between the discourse and the policies of the government. The group of dissidents formed the Democratic Current. From that instance, they insistently criticized the government, urging it to "return" to the traditional nationalist course of the party, resuming the social policies of; improve the wages of the working class, and solve the problems of the lower social classes. Faced with the imminence of the 1988 presidential elections, Cárdenas and the other leaders of the Democratic Current, being marginalized by the fight for the presidential candidacy, they broke with the party at the end of 1987, after Carlos Salinas de Gortari was chosen by the incumbent president as official candidate. The National Democratic Front was formed at the beginning of 1988 by the former PRI members. The fight for the presidency was launched with Crdenas leading the candidacy.

The Mexican Communist Party had been severely repressed for many years. During the cold years of the Cold War, the PCM was banned.

During the administration of President Lpez Portillo, an opening towards the political opposition began, which softened the terms of their political and electoral participation. The Mexican political system felt that the regime that had ruled for so long needed to be recognized. Despite the openness, the state's weight was loaded towards the PRI, so the opposition parties had little to do.

The formation of a united front to wage the electoral battle for power was always prevented by the sectarianism of the Mexican left. The Mexican Communist Party merged with other parties to form the Unified Socialist Party of Mexico, which still had the communist hammer and sickle logo.

Heberto Castillo was a candidate for the presidency of Mexico in 1988 and the Mexican Socialist Party merged with the PSUM.

The presence of two strong left-wing candidates led to a series of political attacks. The Cardenista candidacy was on the rise, despite Castillo's barely maintaining the support of the traditional left.

Castillo decided to decline his candidacy in favor of Crdenas's, just a month before the elections, because he was aware that the political situation was favorable to the left.

Carlos Salinas ascended to the presidency in one of the most controversial elections in recent Mexican history. The election was held in July of 1988.

The Secretary of the Interior would be in charge of the computer system that would be used to count the votes. On election day evening, the system crashed.

The vote count favored Cuauhtémoc Crdenas until then.

Diego Fernndez de Cevallos, the PAN representative in that body, would make a statement after learning of the interruptions.

At eight o'clock on the same day, the candidates appeared at the headquarters of the Ministry of the Interior, condemning the illegality of the process. Protests were held in the days after the election to express their displeasure with the way the election was conducted.

The official result was 50 percent for Carlos Salinas. The figures were not the real ones, as the former President admitted years later.

The Secretary of the Interior would announce the winner of the elections on July 13th, 1988. There was a lot of skepticism about the election in Mexico and the general belief is that Carlos Salinas de Gortari did not win fairly.

The candidate of the National Democratic Front himself, as well as the candidates of the National Action Party, and the Workers' Revolutionary Party, led the political movements after the elections.

Carlos Salinas de Gortari was elected by the Electoral College, with just over 50% of the vote officially recognized.

Diego Fernndez de Cevallos was the main actor in the negotiation of the ballot papers, which were destroyed by the PRI and the PAN. The electoral fraud of 1988 would be proven to have been conceived by statements made in later decades by politicians from the PRI.

The new party was formed after the election, and it was decided to base it on the FDN. The official pressure towards the parties that had traditionally played alongside the party was already visible by March 18, 1989 and it was on the one hand the product of the traditional fights of the Mexican left. The PRD was formed by the ex-PRI and remnants of the PMS. The official registration of the party was made by changing the name of the last party to the PRD, so that they became the partisan party.

The PRD candidate won the elections.

The animosity between the PRD and the PRI government became evident during the six-year term. On the other hand, the PRD members constantly talked about the illegitimacy of the government headed by President Salinas.

The PRI was accused of being involved in the disappearance or death of more than 500 people without this being proven.

The 1991 federal elections proved to be a tough test for the PRD.

The ability to convoke, under the mantle of Crdenas, and the political capacity for negotiation within the party itself were put to the test in the elections. The government devoted itself to the creation of a patronage base under the banner of fighting poverty. The official program called "Solidarity" was nothing more than a covert support program for the PRI. The results of these elections were much less questioned than those of 1988, but the PRD still called them into question. The PRD got 20% of the vote.

The PRD's viability would be tested again by 1992. In Michoacn, Cuauhtémoc was born in the Federal District, and in Baja California, the Crdenas family's home state. The vote for the Cardenista candidacy was very important in both states.

Cristbal Arias Sols showed great strength in Michoacn.

The skillful and young politician was from the PRI. He was a PRD senator from Michoacn and he had won the candidacy of his fellow senator, Robles Garnica.

Eduardo Villaseor was appointed by the government in power as a candidate for the PRI, which seemed to confirm that the field was given to the PRD. History would show that.

The loss of the Baja California gubernatorial elections was announced by Luis Donaldo Colosio, the president of the PRI. He denies that the elections in Michoacn have been adverse to him. This announcement seals a secret alliance between the PAN and PRI, marginalizing the PRD and denying it access to the Michoacn government.

The protests of the PRD are immediate, but they are not bearing fruit thanks to the alliance. Eduardo Villaseor takes the governorship of the state in a rarefied political environment.

The first victory of the PRD in an election for the government of a federal entity was in 1997. Cuauhtémoc Crdenas Solrzano was the party's candidate to occupy the government of the Federal District. In the 1988 federal election, Mexico City had the highest support for the party in the country.

The PRD received over 40 percent of the vote, well above the PRI's tally. The PRD was placed as the second political force in the Congress of the Union, only behind the PRI, who lost control of the Congress.

In the year 1998 the PRD joined with the Labor Party to fight in the local elections of Zacatecas.

The victory of Monreal in the election was due to the strength of his candidacy and the support of the PT in a state where the PRD did not have a political presence. In 1999 the government of Tlaxcala was won and in early 1999 the government of Baja California Sur, which was considered to be a bastion of the party, was also won.

In 2000, the party's rise in strength was marred by its poor showing in the electoral process. Cuauhtémoc Crdenas left the Federal District government to run for the presidency of the Republic. One of the most prominent figures in the PRD, Muoz Ledo, left the party when Crdenas sought the nomination as he coveted power.

Muoz Ledo supported the candidate of the Alliance for Change after his aspiration was lost.

Vicente Fox's candidacy was so successful in the media that the people saw him as the strongest candidate to defeat the PRI and thus the support of the people. Fox won the election and Crdenas got barely 16 percent of the votes, leaving the PRD far behind. The PRD's seats in congress fell to a third of what they were in 1997. On July 6, 2000, the PRD won a single victory, that of Lpez Obrador in the Federal District, which was overshadowed by the triumph of the Alliance for Change and the loss of the presidency by the PRI.

During the PRD's victories, Lpez Obrador was the president of the party. He had been associated with the social struggle and the fight against the PRI in his homeland of Tabasco.

Santiago Creel the PRD won the Federal District election despite being the pro-government candidate and despite being supported by Fox, who was the candidate for the presidency.

The PRD won another victory in 2001. Lzaro Crdenas Batel was the new governor of Michoacn.

The party retained the government of Zacatecas by presenting Amalia Garca as a candidate. The PRD had been strengthened by the Monreal government. When the governor's wife presented herself as a candidate, the government of Tlaxcala was not preserved.

In 2005, the PRD won the state election. The southern state of great poverty was represented by the new triumph.

The triumph of the Aztec sun in Ecatepec in 2006 was a victory for the largest municipal government in Latin America.

In the run up to 2006, Andrés Manuel López Obrador faced President Vicente Fox Quesada, whose government asked Congress to remove the immunity of the city ruler so that he would answer before a court for having violated the suspension of building a street in land expropriated by the city government. Being subject to process, Lpez Obrador was not able to participate in the 2006 presidential election. Finally, due to social pressure, which managed to gather more than 1,000,000 people in the streets of Mexico City (meaning the largest mobilization in the history of the country), the government of Vicente Fox reversed the process and López Obrador was able to register as a candidate with the Federal Electoral Institute in January 2006.

Cuauhtémoc Crdenas, the party's historic leader, initially considered participating for the fourth time in the presidential race, but decided against it.

The support of the majority of the party in favor of Lpez Obrador caused Crdenas to decline. López Obrador will achieve unprecedented broad social support for the left, positioning himself as the absolute leader for most of the campaign, however on election day it will reflect another reality and with a difference of 0.56%, the victory will be awarded to Felipe Calderón of the right-wing PAN, all of this under multiple tests and accusations of fraud by broad social sectors, left-wing organizations and the parties that made up the Broad Progressive Front (PRD, PT and Convergence), who refused to recognize the victory, alluding to to the alliance between the PRI, the PAN, the big businessmen and the high Catholic clergy to prevent the arrival of López Obrador and the left to the presidency of Mexico, making use of the so-called Dirty War (through the mass media , mainly television) and the IFE itself, to modify the tendencies favorable to the leftist coalition.

The PRD decided that it would choose a new leader on March 16, 2008 and that he would retire on January 21.

There is a 27th

The election process had a number of problems on the day of the election, including the burning of polling stations, the theft of ballot boxes, and the mistakes in parcel delivery. Alejandro Encinas was declared the winner in two polls at the end of the day by the referee of the election.

The Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary declared that the total number of polling stations would be computed and that the leader with the most votes would be crowned. Alejandro Encinas will be a candidate for the election.

Cuauhtémoc Crdenas Solrzano called for the election to be nullified because of illegal acts. The PRD National Council was ordered to call new elections within 30 days after the National Guarantees and Surveillance Commission announced that the election for the national president and general secretary had been nullified due to questionable practices.

The Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary unanimously decided on November 12 to declare the winner of the Democratic Revolution Party's contest, and that's when the new leader would take the oath. Hortensia Aragn was General Secretary in November 2008 after Alejandro Encinas refused to occupy the General secretariat.

The PRD nominated a PAN member for the presidency of the republic in the federal and local elections that took place in the country in the year of 2019. The worst electoral results since the founding of the party were obtained in the presidential election, and in five states they failed to reach 10,000 votes. Also, as a result of the concurrence of local elections in 30 of the 32 states of the country, the PRD has lost the local registration as a political party in 6 states: Aguascalientes, Colima, Jalisco, Nuevo León, Sinaloa and Querétaro.

The 5% of the vote obtained in the federal legislative election was enough to keep its registration as a national political party, but with a reduction in its bench in both houses of Congress. In addition, the PRD lost the governorships of three states that it governed: Morelos, Tabasco and Mexico City; in the last two they competed in an alliance. In Mexico City, in addition to being the head of government, he also lost the local congress of the city, falling to be the third political force in this body. ​

Currents in the PRD have a different ideology. In areas where the party has gained strength, there have been disagreements over elected office.

These currents are known as tribes. The main confrontations are caused by the presence of the party of political actors, who use their networks to reach public office and gain power from the bureaucracy. Conflicts between different currents can lead to fraud in internal elections, which is why complaints of corruption practices are common. Prominent members of the party have expressed their disagreement with this situation, but so far no PRD political actor has sought to put an end to these conflicts, which have weakened the party, arguing that it is a way of demonstrating the party's internal democracy.

On September 17, 2012, in an interview held by Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón, former head of government of the Federal District and former president of the UN Global Network of Safe Cities, with the editorial director of the newspaper Excelsior, Pascal Beltrán del Río, stated that the perennial conflict or extreme factionalism is a factor that damages the political party of which he is an active member, the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

As a result of the formation of a new political party called "MORENA" (National Regeneration Movement), on November 20, 2012, which began as a civil association and support group for the candidacy for the Presidency of the Republic of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, which was created by the former institutional leader of the PRD, due to the constant disputes with the different factions of the party, the need for a structural reform of the PRD for its reconstruction is evident.

After the defeat of the Progressive Movement Coalition in the elections of July 1, 2012, on September 9, 2012, the former presidential candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador officially announced his separation from the Progressive Movement parties made up of the PRD, PT and Movimiento Ciudadano, with the aim of working on the formation of a new left-wing political group based on the National Regeneration Movement (Morena).

During his speech, Andrés Manuel López Obrador explained that his departure from the Party of the Democratic Revolution does not mean a rupture, he maintained that his decision will help strengthen and renew the Progressive Movement, because the PRD is experiencing an internal conflict between its internal currents in the permanent struggle for bureaucratic positions and quotas of power.

Cuauhtémoc Crdenas Solrzano, founder and moral leader of the Party since its founding, left the Party because of irreconcilable differences with the current ruling class of the PRD. The other founding leaders of the political institute are no longer active.

These separations left the PRD weakened in its political strength and now finds itself in the hands of two groups: the “National Democratic Left” (IDN)', a current led by René Bejarano and Dolores Padierna; and the “New Left” current, led by Jesús Ortega Martínez and Jesús Zambrano Grijalva, the current national leader of the party.

The ADN and New Left currents remained at the head of the Party after the IDN Current decided to join Morena.

The party agreed in January to create an extraordinary national diligence, in which the most influential expressions within the party appointed a representative. The extraordinary national leadership is made up of: Estephany Santiago, Adriana Daz Contreras, KarenQuiroga Anguiano, ngel vila Romero, Camerino Mrquez and Fernando Belaunzarn Méndez.

40.

The list is listed in alphabetical order.

Although none of the unions shown in the following list have stated that they belong to the PRD, they identify with the ideas of the Leftist parties (PRD, PT, Movimiento Ciudadano, MORENA) and there is reciprocity of support between the parties and the unions, one could see as an example the support that some unions gave to the Left parties in the federal elections of 2012, and the latter tried to block the Labor Reform of 2012. The party has always been supporting some unions, although some currents, such as the New Left, prefer institutional support, rejecting rallies, marches and sit-ins.